From the 15th until the signing of the agreements on 31 31, Slawadanowski was present at the strikes that allowed citizens to make democratic changes within the communist political structure and allowed workers to officially create trade unions independent of communist Party control and instil a legal right to strike. Adam Warawa/PAP`s striking dockworkers are accompanied by other union representatives to draw up a list of demands, the most important of which was the representation of legal unions. Stefan Kraszewski/PAP On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the August Accords, Stanislaw Ciosek [a former Communist official] said that 31 August [when the agreements were signed] should be a symbol of national harmony, a symbol of unity that transcends historical divisions. Ciosek would be right – there would be no martial law. This event makes the August Accords a missed opportunity to precipitate the system`s evolution towards democracy – not a symbol of true national harmony. The political model proposed by Solidarity has brought such an opportunity. This proposal was provisionally adopted in August 1980, before being regularly torpedoed by the authorities since the beginning of September. (Events such as the « registration conflict » [caused by court-imposed changes to the solidarity status when the union was officially registered in October 1980] or the « Bydgoszcz crisis » [solidarity activists were attacked at a meeting of the Local National Council] were only the most important manifestations of this strategy.) This is why « August 31st » cannot be separated from « December 13. » A celebration of national harmony ended with tanks in the streets and the death of Wujek miners. Solidarity`s innovative conception of shared sovereignty has become an abortive attempt to avoid such developments. On the second anniversary of the agreement, on 31 August 1982, a massive wave of anti-government protests took place throughout Poland.

The regime responded by force of the police; According to Solidarity, at least seven people were killed throughout Poland. Adam Michnik (to give just one example) had a very different view of the issue: « A hybrid system, a cross between the totalitarian organization of the state and democratic social institutions, would be possible. It is by nature a band-aid solution, but these solutions are sometimes the longest. [9] A few months later, Michnik gave more specific reasons why he thought it would be a sustainable solution. « What I am proposing here is a compromise with the authorities. I do not like at all the authorities whose rules I do not approve of, but which are for us what is a parenthesis for the sick: oppressive, but indispensable.